Introduction

Today, the word ‘police’ refers to the civil organisation in charge of public order and safety. The words policia in Latin and policie in the medieval French come from the Greek ‘polis’, which means ‘the city’ as well as ‘the art of governing the city’.[1] Thus, the police are not only a political tool to govern the city, they are also a key to understanding the society within it.

The study and history of police have produced numerous books and articles. In France, as of 2002, there are already 2,000 books about the police.[2] Historians, sociologists and political scientists have used different ways and perspectives to study the history, sociological structure and political role of the police in a society. According to Monjardet, the sociology of police has three dimensions: it is an instrument controlled by those in power, it is a public service which is needed by all, and it is a profession that develops its own interests.[3] The numerous research studies about the French police could also be split into three major categories: the institutional history of police, the social history of police, and the history of professions of policemen.

The institutional history of police concentrates on the general development of police institutions. As this history was once always written by the policemen themselves or their advocates, there was a tendency to focus on police politics and/or the force’s ‘big players’, like Fouché, Vidocq or Robert Peel. Thus, the historical background only focussed on the institutional changes and ignored the historical and political factors in the development of the police force. [4] This bias was changed when police history started to be written by professional historians.[5]

According to Jean-Marc Berlière, compared to the well-developed studies on police in English-speaking countries, historical research on the French police was a ‘black hole’ in pre-1990s contemporary French historiography. French historians were more attracted by marginalised social groups like vagrants, prostitutes and the mentally ill. But the police seemed to be invisible to historians who studied social movement or society. Although police work, police reports and police interventions were usually cited, the actual subjects and authors of these topics—i.e. the police themselves—were usually forgotten.[6] It was in the 1990s when research about the French police became systematic, yielding fruitful results.[7] In turn, perspectives on police history diversified and the focus turned to the social history of police and the history of the professions of policemen.

The study of police was no longer concentrated on the centre (Paris police), also studied were police forces in Lyon, Toulouse, Marseille and rural areas.[8] The many different kinds of police forces were also taken into account, like the Gendarme[9] (police in the countryside) and private detectives.[10] The delicate relationship (complementary or competitive) between the police and Gendarmes in the early twentieth century was also investigated by scholars;[11] and comparative works on the different police forces in Europe also emerged.[12] Focusing primarily on England, France, Italy and Prussia, Emsley demonstrated that three basic types of police developed in nineteenth-century Europe: state civilian, state military and civilian municipal police. Individual states did not necessarily develop all three types, but governments everywhere sought to learn and/or borrow from the police systems and practices of their neighbours. Central governments were generally in negotiation with local government over policing matters, and were otherwise constrained by tradition and finance.[13]

The lives and everyday work of policemen are better presented within a social history perspective, through analysis and comparison of the processes of professionalisation.[14] The history of the police techniques was one such approach.[15] In the nineteenth century, police forces underwent modernisation with the aid of new scientific and technological developments which helped in the battle against crime. Police surveillance also developed further with the emergence of identification and remote recognition technology. The identity card became an instrument of this technology, used for social control over marginal groups (vagrants, deserters or pest-ridden people) or institutionalised spaces (army) before it was applied to the whole population.[16]

Due to the lack of archives and materials on the police of the Second Empire, most historical studies concentrate on the Third Republic and Vichy police.[17] Another popular topic for research was the Algerian war and the police surveillance of Algerians living in Paris.[18]

Although colonial police forces were significant agents of imperial power, they did not receive much attention from historians before the collective work of David Anderson, David Killingray, and other scholars.[19] A police force was the most public symbol of colonial rule—they were in daily contact with the population and enforced the codes of law which upheld colonial authority. The colonial policeman—be he European or local recruit—stood at the forefront of colonial rule.[20] The historical study of colonial policing remained an underdeveloped field until a number of books about policing within individual colonies and territories appeared. Some of these have been institutional histories about particular police forces, but most have been driven by the wider concerns of social history, and firmly rooted in the local history of the colonial experience. By examining policing as part of broader social, political and economic processes, writers such as Arnold (for India), Haldane (for Australia) and McCracken (for central Africa) have added a colonial dimension to English and European writing on the social history of crime, and the role of the state in seeking to prevent crime and maintain social order.[21]

Colonial policing differed from the English model applied in Great Britain, and was at the same time highly differentiated in its various colonies. The once often quoted assertion that Irish and Metropolitan models of policing determined developments in the colonies is challenged by the case studies.[22] In most cases, the reference to an Irish element in the structure and organisation of a colonial force served to highlight three distinctions not found in nineteenth or twentieth century English (or Scottish) police:

The police were, to some extent, organised along military lines (which meant they were armed).

They were housed in barracks and did not live among the community they served.

They were directed and centrally controlled as a national or territorial force.

The gulf between the rhetoric of theory and the reality of practice in colonial policing was, in many respects, striking. Most notably, whereas Ireland was heavily policed, the colonies were not. Single European officers frequently presided over huge tracts of territory, as well as large (if scattered) populations, with only a handful of locally recruited and often untrained constables under their charge. Less obviously, although many forces in colonial Africa adopted an RIC (Royal Irish Constabulary) structure of command and organisation, they did not follow RIC practices in training, method or development. Moreover, some colonial forces claimed to be organised on the basis of English models, whilst others were deliberate hybrids.[23] Colonial legislative codes were invariably hybrids—elements taken from England, as well as parts taken from other colonies—moulded by the local political and social environments into which they were placed.[24]

As David Anderson and David Killingray demonstrated, colonial policing is often best understood in its local environment, where the complex interplay between coercive and consensual models can be explored more fully. It is within this local contextualisation that the significance of the hierarchical relationships between indigenous police and entered populations, and between indigenous constables and non-commissioned officers, on the one hand, and expatriate officers, on the other, can be engaged. Furthermore, this is where racial attitudes and policies (varying both temporally and geographically) can be better understood. However, to analyse locally is not to downplay the significance of what Anderson and Killingray call ‘imperial linkage’: empires, whether British, German, Portuguese, or French, were complex networks. They were spiders’ webs of information and ideas in which officials (usually male) moved from post to post across ethnic and geographic boundaries, carrying practices from one to another, and from centre to periphery and vice versa, with long institutional memories and collective experiences.[25]

In the French Colonial Empire, colonisation was justified by the ‘civilising mission’ (mission civilisatrice), which formed a perfect bridge between human rights (les droits de l’homme) and colonial power.[26] This mission was used to spread missionaries, medicines and western education across the colonised countries, to ‘heal’ and ‘modernise’ the spirits and bodies of the indigenous people.[27] However, this civilising mission in the colonies was also a good excuse for economic exploitation, racial segregation and political repression.[28] ‘Modernity’ is a word invented by the western conquerors to justify their presence and role as leaders in the colonised world; in reality, it meant that all the indigenous or local culture, custom and practice had to be replaced by western ways. In practice, this modernity could not be wholly achieved, and there were always compromises which led to a mix of local culture and western practice. The transplantation of French police models into French colonial policing also encountered different local methods, which led to more of a continuation of traditional practices than a total break with the past. Local social, economic and technical structures were closely linked with colonial policing. Local police forces or local tribunal heads continued to be used as policing forces, while, at the same time, newly ‘liberated’ slaves or people from the lower classes were used to complement their numbers. The ‘warrior races’ (e.g. Sikhs in the British Empire, Sudanese in German East Africa, and Zulus in Portuguese Mozambique) were created to harness one colonial race to fight on behalf of the colonial enterprise.[29]

In China, during the late Qing period, before the modern western police system was established, it was baojia (保甲),[30] tuanlian (团练)[31] and luying (绿营)[32] who maintained order in the city and rural areas. But, as the police in China’s foreign settlements performed well, and as officials who had visited western countries saw the benefits of modern policing in building a stronger government, a western police system was gradually established in China. In 1898, the Hunan baoweiju (Hunan Defence Bureau 湖南保卫局) was first established in Changsha, as a result of the Wuxu xinzheng (Hundred-days Reforms 百日维新). In 1901, in Beijing, the Gongxun zongju (Bureau of Public Works and Patrolling 工巡总局) was created, following the occupation of Beijing by the allied army during the Boxers’ Movement. In 1905, the Xunjing bu (Ministry of Police 巡警部) was set up in central government for the formal administration of police affairs.[33]

The first Chinese book on the study of the police (警察学) appeared in 1903, in Shanghai. After the Ministry of Police was established in Beijing (in 1906 and 1907), another two books about police appeared (also in Shanghai).[34] The reason being that not only was Shanghai a publishing centre in the late Qing era, but the existence of foreign police in the settlement had shown the advantages and power of a modern police force. Their presence motivated Chinese intellectuals to reflect and think about building a modern Chinese police force. After the fall of the Qing, the Beiyang government established the Ministry of Interior Affairs (Neiwu bu) as the central police administration, and it was influenced by the British police system. During the Guomindang reign, the Ministry of Interior administration (Neizheng bu) became the central police headquarters, and the study of police flourished with the publishing of an abundance of books.

Between 1949-80, police studies in China became non-existent. But from 1980 onwards, police studies returned anew, and research on the history of the Chinese police flourished with two representative books[35] and a dozen master’s dissertations and theses.[36] That research focussed on several aspects of the Chinese police: the history of modern police and the modernisation of the force,[37] the history of provincial police,[38] police corruption,[39] and the Chinese police under Japanese occupation.[40]

Of them, Li Zidian, in his dissertation, studied the Beijing police from late Qing until the Guomindang government before the Sino-Japanese War.[41] He studied the origins of policemen, their qualifications and functions, their relationships with the government, local people and the army, and the social status and influence of police in society. He found that in the late Qing period, the Beijing police recruited ex-bannermen, ex-soldiers of Luying, graduates from police schools, as well as a limited public recruitment from the Manchu ethnic group. In the Beiyang era, public recruitment was widely used, and recruitment requirements just focused on age and health, and the demand for literacy was not high. Recruits with basic literacy (粗识文字), following successful completion of the physical, written and oral exams, could be enrolled. Retired soldiers could be recruited directly into the police. However, because the salaries—and social status—were low, most recruits were unemployed migrants. During the Nationalist era, public recruitment was still used, but the requirements were more rigorous. The candidates had to have graduated from a higher-level primary school (高小毕业), they had to sign a three-year contract for three years, and they had to have a guarantor. They also had to pass physical, written and oral exams. However, in practice, recruitment requirements were reduced to just having a guarantor. In the end, the author concluded that, over a thirty-year history of the Beijing police, the police recruitment and qualifications developed over time; and the diversification of police functions had a profound influence over city life and brought about the modernisation of the city.

The history of Chinese police has attracted the interest of not only Chinese researchers, but also some foreign scholars. Kristina Stapleton studied police reform in the Chengdu, a provincial city, in late-imperial China; it formed a part of the Xinzheng (new policies) which survived after the collapse of Qing, and became integrated into the new political system of the Nationalist government. She found that the reforms in Chengdu were not only successful and surprisingly complete, but were also a way for the police to control and establish civil order in the city. The former ‘police’ were not given regular salaries, so they supported themselves by extorting fees from the community. Police reformers hoped that, by creating a Western-style police force, they could solve the problem of corruption associated with the old system. The new force enjoyed considerable prestige before 1911. The Sichuan police bureau drew up an ambitious program for municipal improvements in Chengdu and came to dominate city administration. They claimed responsibility for drafting regulations on matters such as prostitution, public sanitation and the censorship of publications and opera performances. The police bureau (as an institution) survived the revolution, and its activities served as a precedent for later city administrations.[42]

Shanghai, a treaty port open to foreigners following the Nanking Treaty, has always been a subject of Chinese studies—not only for its abundant archives and research materials, but also for the important role it played. It was the economic centre of China and a unique international platform where different cultures and political or social practices met and interacted. The three different jurisdictions in Shanghai (the Chinese municipality, the French Concession and the International Settlement) each followed an individual path of institutional development, social regulation, and policing. This makes Shanghai extremely interesting, as it was witness to the processes—tensions, negotiations or compromises—that sustained the confrontation between ‘state’ and society, between competing ‘state’ powers, and between China and its colonising powers.

There are a number of books and dissertations about Shanghai, and many aspects of the city have already been studied (such as Shanghai’s workers,[43] capitalists,[44] prostitutes,[45] colleges and intellectuals,[46] police,[47] migrant workers,[48] and its foreign communities[49]). According to a statistical study by a Chinese scholar, who gathered the data whilst in the United States, the number of dissertations written in English about Shanghai amounted to 138 in 2002[50] (not to mention studies on Shanghai in French and German).

Frederic Wakeman studied the National Government police in Shanghai.[51] He placed the Chinese police in Shanghai within a context of asserting sovereignty through policing, and highlighted the rivalry between the police forces of the French Concession, the International Settlement and the Japanese consular police to control the city. He studied the relationship of the Chinese police with different political forces (e.g. the Green Gang and the Communists). As the Shanghai police archives (in the Shanghai Municipal Archive) were not open when Wakeman conducted his research, he was able to use only secondary resources and some archives in Taiwan region and U.S. to learn about the police who worked on the streets—the internal personnel (i.e. those inside the offices and stations) were excluded from his study. While he also studied the relationship between police and politics, he did not study the social functions of the Chinese police.

Chinese scholars have been unable to carry out extensive research on the history of the settlement police for a number of reasons:[52]

The settlement police carried a special status and were used as a tool by the foreigners to control Chinese territory.

The ambiguous nature of the police force’s nationality: not Chinese not foreign, and partly Chinese, partly foreign.

The settlement police archives were written in English or French which created a language barrier.

Regarding the study of the International Settlement police in Shanghai, Robert Bickers wrote a good case study about Maurice Tinkler, a policeman in the Shanghai Municipal Police (SMP), and a group of newly recruited SMP policemen in 1919.[53] He studied the working careers of the policemen, including their motivation for joining the police, the requirements they had to satisfy to become an officer, their life in Shanghai, as well as what their lives were like once their police careers had come to an end.

Tinkler was born in a small town in Lancashire, in a lower-middle-class family. After returning from the First World War in 1919, he found few prospects in Great Britain, but soon found a job in the British-dominated Shanghai Municipal Police of the International Settlement. His white skin and British citizenship helped him ascend the empire’s racial hierarchy, and, as a Briton working in the SMP, he immediately found himself in a privileged position, presiding over the much larger group of Chinese and Sikh policemen. However, British policemen like Tinkler were still on the bottom rung of the white British world in Shanghai, excluded by salary and class from the elite ranks of the British community. Tinkler’s rapid rise in the force—to sub-inspector in the CID, and then inspector in the uniformed branch by the age of 32—was followed by an even swifter fall six months later, when he was found ‘drunk and incapable of duty’, and was demoted to the rank of sergeant. He resigned from the police shortly afterwards, and tried to seek success in the United States, Nanchang city and then once again in Shanghai city. He was killed by Japanese marines in 1939, and his death became an international incident; as a victim of Japanese imperialism, he finally became someone of importance. His story captures the essence of the life of a lower-class colonial servant adrift in the British Empire, and is in marked contrast to the lives of the rich, elite treaty-port foreigners. Bickers’ methods of studying the personnel archives and the sociological perspectives of ordinary men, inspired me to study the people who served in the French Concession police.[54]

There are only two articles which directly examine the French police in Shanghai.[55] Christine Cornet studied the history of the French police force in Shanghai from 1907 to 1937, focussing on its military character (as reflected by the recruitment criteria), and the professionalisation that the force underwent. This article set the foundation for my further research into the French police in Shanghai. Marie-Claire Bergère has studied the legal proceedings that the Nationalist government instituted against Roland Sarly (ex-assistant director of the French police), for the alleged crime of collaboration with the Japanese in the killing of Nationalist underground activists.

Brian Martin’s very important work on the Shanghai Green Gang studies the way in which how its members were used as informants and the roles they were given as detectives with the French police force.[56] According to Martin, there was a connection between the Green Gang bosses and the French authorities of Shanghai during three main periods: the years up to 1927, the years between 1927-32, and the final phase between 1932-37. At first, the gangsters were used as informants and were rewarded with police protection for their opium, prostitution and gambling monopolies. As social outcry for the prohibition of opium increased, the Green Gangs stabilised their monopoly by paying for police protection.

The gang’s connection with the revolutionary parties, especially Jiang Jieshi, was particularly useful to the French authorities in coping with the 1927 crisis. Du Yuesheng and French Police Chief Fiori reached an agreement in February 1927 whereby the gangsters’ opium and gambling operations would be protected by the police. The French police tolerated these illegal activities in return for the gang’s assistance in maintaining security and internal order inside the concession. However, in 1932, the efforts of the French municipality to tighten their authority was in conflict with the concession’s relationship with the Green Gang. As a result, the Chief of Police was replaced, and the Green Gang, along with the illegal vices that they were associated with—like opium and gambling—were driven out of the French Concession completely.

My book deals primarily with the years 1910-37, although it occasionally ventures beyond those boundaries for the sake of clarity or comparison—especially when retracing the origins of the French Concession and its police force. The year 1911 marked the beginning of the Republic of China, and the year 1937 marked the start of Sino-Japanese War. The years in between were a golden time for Shanghai’s economic development. The city also witnessed an unprecedented awakening of Chinese nationalism that made Shanghai quite different from past years. Although the year 1911 was a milestone in China’s modern history, it was not a milestone for the development of the French Concession police in Shanghai. Thus, the year 1910 was chosen as the starting point for my book, enabling me to highlight the different timelines of modern Chinese history and the French police in Shanghai.

This is not a history of French colonialism in Shanghai. It does not attempt to apply sophisticated political or sociological theories to Shanghai’s French police. It should, but does not, compare the French police in Shanghai with the other French police forces in Indochina or Algeria. This is because the histories of the latter are unclear, incomplete and are in need of further research in order to be able to make an accurate comparison. Moreover, the French Ministry of Colonies or the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would have adopted different strategies to set up and maintain a police force in these countries, and different stages of policing would have been in existence. These differences would have been further exacerbated by the many years of conquest and colonisation. Thus, it would only be possible to make a comprehensive global study of French colonial policing if the history of each police force was completed, and if the historians could come together to discuss the French model of policing, and compare it to that of the British or Dutch Empire. Hopefully, I will be able to explore this issue in subsequent research; unfortunately, to have attempted it within the context of the present topic would have required far more time and money than was available. For now, there are many more issues, which are still to be investigated, that will help us understand the history of Shanghai and the presence of French police in the city.

The first chapter serves to clarify the geographical and legal status of the French Concession and its police in Shanghai. Retracing the origins of the French Concession and the police, I aim to discover:

Why and how this foreign police force was founded (and then settled) on Chinese territory;

Why and how the Chinese government and local authorities abandoned their administrative rights over the settlements and concessions;

How the French Concession managed to incorporate Chinese residents in its administration, thus policing a mix of Chinese and foreign residents in the concession;

What kind of relationship the French Concession shared with the International Settlement and the Chinese City, and how they cooperated in governing certain common issues;

What kind of challenges the police faced in the 1920s and 1930s, when China and Shanghai experienced rapid political and social change; and

What kind of role the French Concession and its police played in the French Colonial Empire.

The second chapter concentrates on the evolution of police structure and organisation during the first three decades of the twentieth century. According to French native practice, the French Consul in Shanghai should not have been the natural leader of the police. However, he established absolute control by defeating the French Municipal Administration Council, thus becoming the true boss of the French Concession in Shanghai. The French police underwent several reforms, including professionalisation and militarisation, under the leaderships of Mallet, Fiori and Fabre. Organisation within the police force was constantly adjusted and adapted to catch up with the ever-changing situations within the French Concession and Shanghai. Putting aside the legends and clichés, I have probed into the delicate relationship between the French police and the Green Gang, and searched the diplomatic archives to try and find the real reason behind Fiori’s departure. Although Fiori left the French police in Shanghai, his ideas about police reform lingered and continued to function under Fabre’s new reign. Fabre cleaned up the corrupt elements within the police force and strengthened his control over the policemen, enabling the force to cope with the crisis after 1937.

The third chapter examines the policemen themselves. The police force was composed of officers from several nationalities, the four most important being French, Russian, Chinese and Vietnamese. Through a comparative study of recruiting conditions, training courses, salaries, welfare and job turnover, I have established that the police force was a hierarchal institution based on a differentiated treatment according to race and nationality. The French policemen stood at the top of the pyramid, they were the fewest in number but they wielded the most power as all the senior officers, chiefs and deputy chiefs had to be French. The French also enjoyed the best salaries and welfare conditions. The Russians were a cheap white labour force (compared to the French and other foreign policemen), and formed the second highest class of the police force. The Vietnamese and Chinese policemen were at the bottom of the pyramid, but constituted the vast majority of the policemen in the concession. The Vietnamese policemen were soldiers before entering the police force, and their military qualities and discipline helped improve the defence capabilities of the police. They also offered a safety net in defending French interests in Shanghai should Chinese nationalism spread to the Chinese policemen. The Chinese policemen were the lowest class in the police and suffered the worst conditions of pay and welfare. They lost their jobs very easily and their careers as policemen were quite short and unstable in comparison with the other nationalities.

The fourth chapter studies the Political service. From the 1920s to the 1930s, three historical currents swept over China—nationalism, communism and Japanese expansionism. These three forces converged in Shanghai and led up to the creation and development of the Political Service of the French police force. In 1927, after the break between the Chinese Communist Party and the Guomindang, the political police was formally instituted as a specific police department. It was reformed in 1930 and 1932, not only to collect information about the political, military, economic and social dynamics in China, but also to make arrests and deal in the exchange of mutual interests. An agreement, signed in 1914 with the Beiyang Government, to extradite and arrest individuals suspected of political crimes or offences helped the French Concession achieve its last and largest territorial expansion. Suppressing the activities of the Guomindang in the French Concession, at the request of local Chinese authorities in 1926, was a continuance of the 1914 agreement and a tactic by the French Concession to maintain a good relationship with the local power holders. When the Guomindang came to power, a close cooperation developed between the Chinese police and the police of two foreign settlements to hunt down the underground communists at an unprecedented pace. The Korean revolutionaries posed a problem when the Japanese authorities asked the French Concession authorities to take action against them in 1925. The problem was solved, to Japan’s advantage, in exchange for Japanese cooperation over the Vietnamese revolutionaries in Japan.

This book is about the history of a hybrid police force—a combination of regular police and a defence force—and its development over the first 28 years of the twentieth century. It is about the history of Shanghai and a police force that changed the lives and work styles of the Chinese and foreigners who lived there. And it is about the policemen who worked and sacrificed their lives for this police force, and about the myths and realities of a foreign police force in China.

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[1] Michel Auboin, Arnaud Teyssier, Jean Tulard, Histoire et dictionnaire de la police: du Moyen âge à nos jours, (Paris: Laffont, 2005), 3.

[2] Marcel le Clère, La Bibliographie critique de la police, (Paris: Yzer, 1991, enriched by supplements in 1996, 2001 and 2002). As well as the bibliography above, there are two other books about the bibliography of the French police, see: Jean-Claude Salomon, La Bibliographie Historique des Institutions Policières Françaises, (Toulouse: Presses de l’Institut d’études politiques, CERP, 1986); and Jean-Marc Berlière, Marie Vogel, Police, État et Société en France des années 30 aux années 60: essai bibliographique, (Paris: IHESI, Institut des hautes études de la sécurité intérieure, 1997).

[3] Dominique Monjardet, Ce que fait la police: sociologie de la force publique, (Paris: La Découverte, 1996), 9.

[4] Vincent Milliot, “Mais que font les historiens de la police?”, in Métiers de police: être policier en Europe, XVIII-XXe siècle, (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2008), 11-2.

[5] Jacques Aubert et al., L’État et sa police en France 1789-1914, (Droz, Genève, Paris, 1979). Michel Auboin, Arnaud Teyssier and Jean Tulard, Histoire et dictionnaire de la police: du Moyen âge à nos jours, (Paris: Laffont, 2005). Jean-Marc Berlière, Le monde des Polices en France XIXe-XXe siècles, (Bruxelles, Complexe, 1996).

[6] Jean-Marc Berlière, “Histoire de la police: Quelques réflexions sur l’historiographie française”, Criminocorpus, revue hypermédia [En ligne], Histoire de la police, Présentation du dossier, mis en ligne 1 January 2008, consulté le 31 March 2012. URL: http://criminocorpus.revues.org/73.

[7] For example, Jean-Marc Berlière, L’institution policière en France sous la troisième république 1875-1914, (PhD. diss., Université de Bourgogne, 1991). Marie-Thérèse Vogel, Les polices des villes entre local et national: l’administration des polices urbaines sous la IIIe République, (PhD. diss., IEP Grenoble, 1993. Patrick Bruneteaux, La violence d’État dans un régime démocratique: les forces de maintien de l’ordre en France 1880-1980, (PhD. diss., Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne, 1993). Michel Berges, Corporatisme et construction de l’État. Le champ policier 1852-1940,(PhD. diss., IEP de Toulouse, 1994). Annie Lauck, Les Représentations de la police parisienne de la Restauration à la Monarchie de juillet (1814-1832), (PhD. diss., Paris I, 1997). Hélène L’Heuillet, Basse politique, haute police. Une approche philosophique de la police. (PhD. diss., Paris X-Nanterre, 1999). Alain Pinel, La culture d’obéissance au service de la violence d’état: les Groupes mobiles de réserve (GMR) 1941-1944, (PhD. diss., Paris I, 2001).

[8] For exemple, Jean-Luc Laffont, Policer la ville: Toulouse capitale provinciale au siècle des Lumières, (PhD. diss., Toulouse II, 1997). Alexandre Nugues-Bourchat, La police et les Lyonnais au XIXe siècle: contrôle social et sociabiltié, (Grenoble: PUG, Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 2010). Simon Kitson, The Marseille Police in their contexts from Popular Front to Libération, (PhD. diss., University of Sussex, 1995). Fabien Gaveau, L’Ordre aux champs. Histoire des gardes champêtres en France de la Révolution française à la IIIe République. Pour une autre histoire de l’État, (PhD. diss., Dijon, 2005).

[9] Pierre Miquel, Les Gendarmes, (Paris: Olivier Orban, 1990). Jean-Noël Luc, “Essai bibliographique sur l’histoire de la Gendarmerie”, in Revue de la Gendarmerie nationale, Hors série histoire: La Gendarmerie: de la Révolution à l’entre deux-guerres, 2000. 135-56. Jean-Noël Luc (ed.), Histoire de la Maréchaussée et de la Gendarmerie. Guide de recherche, (Paris: Maisons-Alfort, SHGN, 2005). Jean-Noël Luc (ed.), Gendarmerie, état et société au XIXe siècle, (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2002). Yann Galera, Le képi et le crayon: les gendarmes à travers l’imaginaire collectif (1914-1968), (PhD. diss., Université Paris IV, 2006).

[10] Dominique Kalifa, Naissance de la police privée, détective et agences de recherches en France,1832-1942, (Paris: Plon, 2000).

[11] Aurélien Lignereux, Gendarmes et policiers dans la France de Napoléon: le duel Moncey-Fouché, (Paris: Maisons-Alfort, SHGN, 2002). Laurent Lopez, “Les relations entre policiers et gendarmes à travers leurs représentations mutuelles sous la Troisième République (1875-1914) ”, in Sociétés & Représentations, n° 16, Sept. 2003, 213-27. Laurent Lopez, “Magistrats, policiers et gendarmes en France à la Belle Époque: enquête sur les relations entre les acteurs de l’enquête de police judiciaire”, in L’enquête judiciaire en Europe au XIXe siècle, eds. Jean-Claude Farcy, Dominique Kalifa and Jean-Noël Luc, (Paris, Créaphis, 2007), 127-36. Laurent Lopez, “Commissaires de police et officiers de gendarmerie: regards croisés (1870-1914)”, Les commissaires de police au XIXe siècle, eds, P. Dominique Kalifa and Pierre Karila-Cohen, (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2008), 139-54.

[12] Société d’histoire de la Révolution de 1848 et des révolutions du XIXe siècle (ed.), Maintien de l’ordre et polices en France et en Europe au XIXe siècle, (Paris: Créaphis, 1987). Jean-Marc Berlière, Denis Peschanski, Polices et pouvoirs au XXe siècle: Europe, Etats-Unis, Japon, (Bruxelles: Complexe, 1997). Clive Emsley, Eric Johnson and Pieter Spierenburg, eds., Social Control in Europe 1800-2000, (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2004).

[13] Clive Emsley, “A Typology of Nineteenth-Century Police”, Crime, histoire et sociétés, Volume 3, N° 1, 1999, 29-44.

[14] Arnaud-Dominique Houte, “Le métier de gendarme national au XIXe siècle: pratiques professionnelles, esprit de corps et insertion sociale de la Monarchie de Juillet à la Grande Guerre”, (PhD. diss., Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2006). Jean-Marc Berlière, Catherine Denys, Dominique Kalifa and Vincent Milliot, eds., Métiers de police, Etre policier en Europe, XVIIIe-XXesiècle, (Presse Universitaires de Rennes, 2008).

[15] Martine Kaluszynski, Alphonse Bertillon et l’anthropométrie, Maintien de l’ordre et polices en France et en Europe au XIXe siècle, (Paris: Créaphis, 1987), 269-85. Laurent Mucchielli, Histoire de la criminologie française, (Paris: l’Harmattan, 1995).

[16] Ilsen About, Vincent Denis, Histoire de l’identification des personnes, (Paris: La Découverte, 2010). Vincent Denis, Une histoire de l’identité: France, 1715-1815, (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2008).

[17] For exemple, Jean-Marc Berlière, L’institution et la société policières sous la IIIe République (1870-1914), (PhD diss., Université de Dijon, 1991). Jean-Marc Berlière, La Police des mœurs sous la IIIe République, (Paris: Le seuil, 1992). Jean-Marc Berlière, Les policiers en France sous l’occupation à partir des archives inédites de l’épuration, (Paris: Perrin, 2001); Jean-Marc Berlière and Denis Peschanski, eds., La police française, 1930-1950: entre bouleversements et permanences, (Paris: La Documentation Française, 2000). Jean-Marc Berlière, Les policiers français sous l’Occupation, (Paris: Perrin, 2001). Jean-Marc Berlière and Franck Liaigre, Le Sang des communistes Les Bataillons de la jeunesse dans la lutte armée, automne 1941, (Paris: Fayard, 2004). Claude Cazals, La gendarmerie sous l’occupation, (Paris: La Musse, 1994). Claude Cazals, La Garde sous Vichy, (Paris: La Musse, 1997). Frédéric Couderc, Les RG sous l’occupation. Quand la police française traquait les résistants, (Paris: Olivier Orban, 1992).

[18] Emmanuel Blanchard, La police parisienne et les Algériens (1944-1962), (Paris: Nouveau monde, 2011).Jean-Paul Brunet, Police contre FLN, le drame d’octobre 1961, (Paris: Flammarion, 1999). Raymond Muelle, La guerre d’Algérie en France (1954-1962), (Paris: Presses de la Cité, 1994).

[19] David Anderson and David Killingray, Policing the empire: government, authority, and control, 1830-1940, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991). David Anderson and David Killingray, Policing and decolonisation: Politics, nationalism and the police, 1917-65, (Manchester: Manchester University Press,1992).

[20] Anderson and Killingray, Policing the empire: 1830-1940, 2.

[21] David Arnold, Police Power and Colonial Rule: Mandras, 1859-1947, (Delhi: Oxford university press, 1986). John McCracken, “Coercion and control in Nyasaland: Aspects of the history of a colonial police force”, Journal of African History, 27 (1986), 127-48.

[22] Anderson and Killingray, Policing the empire: 1830-1940, 2.

[23] Anderson and Killingray, Policing the empire: 1830-1940, 4.

[24] Anderson and Killingray, Policing the empire: 1830-1940, 5.

[25] Melvin E. Page, Penny M. Sonnenburg, Colonialism: an international, social, cultural, and political encyclopedia, (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2003), 476.

[26] Dino Costantini, Mission civilisatrice: le rôle de l’histoire coloniale dans la construction de l’identité politique française, (Paris: Éditions La Découverte, 2008).

[27] Denise Bouche, Histoire de la colonisation française, Tome 2, (Paris: Fayard, 1991), 207-73.

[28] For example, Denise Bouche, “L’enseignement dans les territoires français de l’Afrique occidentale de 1817 à 1920: mission civilisatrice ou formation d’une élite?” (PhD diss., Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris), 1974). Blaise Alfred Ngando, La France au Cameroun, 1916-1939: colonialisme ou mission civilisatrice?, (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2002). Laurent Fourchard and Isaac Olawale Albert, eds., Sécurité, crime et ségrégation dans les villes d’Afrique de l’ouest du 19e siècle à nos jours, (Paris: Karthala, 2003).

[29] Emmanuel Blanchard, Quentin Deluermoz and Joël Glasman, “La professionnalisation policière en situation coloniale: détour conceptuels et explorations historiographiques”, Crime, Histoire & Sociétés, (2011, vol. 15, n°2), 33-53. Henri Brunschwig, Noirs et blancs dans l’afrique noire francaise: ou Comment le colonise devient colonisateur (1870-1914), (Paris: Flammarion, 1983).

[30] The baojia system was an invention of Wang Anshi of the Song Dynasty, who created this community-based system of law enforcement and civil control that was included in his large reform of Chinese government (“the New Policies”) from 1069-76. The leaders of the baos were given authority to maintain local order, collect taxes, and organise civil projects. During the Qing Dynasty, the baojia system was expanded across all of China. Being primarily a system of self-defence, in 1835, baojia was extended to cover tax collection. This resulted in power abuses and local unrest. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baojia_system#cite_note-Li-2, accessed March 2012.

[31] Tuanlian is the Chinese term for localised militia, which begun in the Zhou Dynasty and offered self-defence for civilians. In Qing Jiaqing Emperor reign, the corrupt Eight Banners and Green Standard Army were incapable of curbing the White Lotus Rebellion. Qing court began to order the local gentry and land owners of all ten provinces to organise Tuanlian for self-defence (both the funding and control were in the hands of local gentry and land owners). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yong_Ying, accessed March 2012.

[32] Green Standard Army (Luying, 绿营) is the name of a category of military units under the control of the Qing Dynasty in China. It was made up mostly of ethnic Han soldiers and operated concurrently with the Manchu-Mongol-Han Eight Banner armies. From the eighteenth century onwards, the Green Standard Army served primarily as a gendarmerie or constabulary force, designed to maintain local law and order and quell small-scale disturbances. However, it was contributed to the bulk of forces dispatched in major campaigns. The Green Standard Army was extremely fragmented, with literally thousands of large and small outposts throughout the empire, many with as few as 12 men. It was divided into garrisons of battalion size, reporting through regional brigade generals to commanders-in-chief (提督) in each province. Governors and governor-generals each had a battalion of Green Standard troops under their personal command, but their primary duties were judicial and fiscal, rather than dealing with invasion or rebellion. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Standard_Army, accessed March 2012.

[33] Wang jiajian (王家俭), Qingmo minchu woguo jingcha zhidu xiandaihua de licheng (1901-1928) 清末民初我国警察制度现代化的历程 (一九〇一—一九二八) (The Process of Modernization in the Chinese Police System (1901-1928)), (Taiwan: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1984), 5-34. Chang zhaoru (常兆儒), zhongguo jindai jingcha zhidu de xingcheng (The formation of the Modern Chinese Police), Zhongguo jingcha zhidu jianlun 中国警察制度简论 (A Brief Study of the Chinese Police System), (Beijing: Qunzhong chubanshe,1985), 298-307.

[34] Ren shiying (任士英), “Luelun jingchaxue yu qingchao jingcha xingzheng chuangli shiqi de jingcha jiaoyu” 略论 “警察学”与清朝警察行政创立时期的警察教育(A Brief Study of Jingcha xue and police education in late Qing), Journal of Chinese People’s Public Security University, 2003, N°4, 145-51. Wang dawei (王大伟), “Xifang jingchaxue de yinjin yu gonganxue jichu lilun de fengfu” 西方警察学的引进与公安学基础理论的丰富(The introduction of western policing and Chinese police studies), Journal of Chinese People’s Public Security University, 1999, N°6, 9-14.

[35] Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan faxue yanjiusuo fazhishi yanjiushi bianzhu (中国社会科学院法学研究所法制史研究室), ed., Zhongguo jingcha zhidu jianlun中国警察制度简论 (On the Chinese polices), (Beijing: qunzhong chubanshe, 1985). Han Yanlong, Su Yigong (朝延龙, 苏亦工), Zhongguo jindai jingcha shi中国近代警察史 (History of modern Chinese polices), (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2000).

[36] This statistic is from the master’s thesis and doctoral dissertations collected by CNKI.

[37] Meng Qingchao孟庆超, “Zhongguo jingzhi jindaihua yanjiu” 中国警制近代化研究 (On the modernization of Chinese police institutions), (PhD diss., China University of Political Science and Law, 2004). Chen Wei陈威, “Wanqing yinjin jindai jingcha zhidu shulun” 晚清引进近代警察制度述论(On the modern police institutions introduced in the late Qing period), (Master’s thesis, The University of International Business and Economics, 2005).

[38] Fang Jing方靖, “Jindai xifang jingzheng de dongjian jiqi zai guangzhou de shijian”近代西方警政的东渐及其在广州的实践 (The introduction of western police models and its practices in Guangzhou), (PhD diss., Ji’nan University, 2010). Yang Xueying杨雪英, “Shandong Jingzheng yanjiu 1902-1928” 1902-1928年山东警政研究 (The development of police in Shandong Province, 1902-1928), (Master’s thesis, Shandong Normal University, 2008). Xu Xueyi许雪溢, “Qingmo zhejiang jingzheng jianshe shulun” 清末浙江警政建设述论 (On the development of the police in Zhejiang Province in the late Qing), (Master’s thesis, Zhejiang University, 2008).Zhang Lirong张利荣, “Qingmo minchu gansu de jingzheng jianshe” 清末民初甘肃的警政建设 (On the police development in Gansu from the late Qing to early Republican period), (PhD. diss., Ji’nan University, 2007). Zhang Qing张庆, “Lun kangzhan shiqi xi’an jingcha xingzheng yu chengshi shehui kongzhi” 论抗战时期西安警察行政与城市社会控制 (The police and the social control in Xi’an during the Sino-Japanese war), (Master’s thesis, Northwest University, 2007). Huang Xia黄霞, “Ershi shiji san si shi niandai sichuan jingzheng jianshe”二十世纪三四十年代四川警政建设(The police of Sichuan in the 1930s and 1930s), (Master’s thesis, Sichuan Normal University, 2006). Jia Ruihua贾蕊华, “Shi lun qingmo guangdong jingzheng” 试论清末广东警政 (Police in Guangdong province in late Qing), (Master’s thesis, Ji’nan University, 2006). Peng Xueqin 彭雪芹, “Henan jingzheng yanjiu 1927-1937” 1927-1937年河南警政研究 (Police in Henan Province, 1927-1937), (Master’s thesis, Henan University, 2006). Song Lei宋磊, “Guojia quanli de yanshen: chaha’er sheng jingzheng jianshe yanjiu 1928-1937” 国家权力的延伸：察哈尔省警政建设研究（1928-1937）(Extension of the state powers: a study on the police of Chaha’er 1928-1937 ), (Master’s thesis, Inner Mongolia University, 2006). Xie Minggang谢明刚, “Qingmo zhili jingzheng lunshu”清末直隶警政述论 (The police of Zhili province in the late Qing period), (Master’s thesis, Hebei Normal University, 2002).

[39] Leng Guangwei冷光伟, “Wanqing jingcha fubai yanjiu” 晚清警察腐败研究(The police corruption in the late Qing period), (Master’s thesis, Guizhou Normal University, 2006).

[40] Li Hongxi李洪锡, “Riben zhu zhongguo dongbei diqu lingshiguan jingcha jigou yanjiu” 日本驻中国东北地区领事馆警察机构研究(The Japanese consular police in Northeast China), (PhD diss., Yanbian University, 2007). Zhang Yong张永, “Riwei shiqi baoding xianji wei jingcha jigou yanjiu—yi dingxian an’guo boye zhuoxian wei zhuyao canzhao”日伪时期保定县级伪警察机构研究——以定县、安国、博野、涿县为主要参照 (The puppet polices of Baoding county during the Japanese occupation-the cases in Dingxian, Anguo, Boye and Zhuoxian), (Master’s thesis, Hebei University, 2006). Li Li李理, “Riju shiqi taiwan jingcha zhidu yanjiu” 日据时期台湾警察制度研究 (A study of the Taiwan police institutions during the Japanese occupation), (PhD diss., Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 2006).

[41] Li Zidian李自典, “Beijing jingcha qunti yanjiu 1901-1937” 北京警察群体研究1901-1937年 (A study of the policemen in Beijing, 1901-1937), (PhD diss., Beijing Normal University, 2007).

[42] For the major books on the general history of Chinese police, see: Kung-Chuan Hsiao, Rural China: Imperial control in the nineteenth-century, (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1960); Michael Robert Dutton, Policing and punishment in China: from patriarchy to ‘the people’, (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press,1992); Borge Bakken, Crime, punishment, and policing in China, (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005); and Frank Dikötter, Crime, punishment and the prison in modern China, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002).

[43] Kristin Eileen Stapleton, “Police Reform in a Late-Imperial Chinese City: Chengdu, 1902-1911”, (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1993).

[44] Jean Chesneaux, Le mouvement ouvrier chinois de 1919 à 1927, (Paris: Mouton & l’Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 1962). Alain Roux, Le Shanghai ouvrier des années trente: coolies, gangsters et syndicalistes, (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1993). Alain Roux, Grèves et politique à Shanghai: les désillusions (1927-1932), (Paris: Revue Autrement, 1998). Elizabeth Perry, Shanghai on Strike, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993).

[45] Parks M. Coble, The Shanghai capitalists and the national government: 1927-1937, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980). Marie-Claire Bergère, L’âge d’or de la Bourgeoisie Chinoise: 1911-1937, (Paris: Flammarion, 1986).

[46] Christian Henriot, Belles de Shanghai: Prostitution et Sexualité en Chine aux XIXe-XXe siècles, (Paris: CNRS ed., 1997); Christian Henriot, Prostitution and Sexuality in Shanghai, a social history 1849-1949, (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001). Gail Hershatter, Dangerous Pleasures: Prostitution and Modernity in Twentieth-Century Shanghai, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997). Catherine Vance Yeh, Shanghai love: courtesans, intellectuals, and entertainment culture, 1850-1910, (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006).

[47] Wen-hsin Yeh, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919-1937, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990). Poshek Fu, Passivity, resistance and collaboration: Intellectual choices in occupied Shanghai, 1937-1945, (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993). Wang-chi Wong, Politics and literature in Shanghai: The Chinese league of left-wing writers, 1930-36, (Manchester: Manchester University Press,1991).

[48] I shall talk about this later, so I do not cite the relevant research here.

[49] Bryna Goodman, Native place, city and nation: regional networks and identities in Shanghai, 1853-1937, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). Emily Honig, Sisters and strangers: women in the Shanghai cotton mills, 1919-1949, (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1986). Emily Honig, Creating Chinese ethnicity: Subei people in Shanghai, 1850-1980, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).

[50] Robert Bickers and Christian Henriot, eds., New Frontiers, Imperialism’s new communities in East Asia, 1842-1953, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000). Marcia Reynders Ristaino, Port of last resort: the diaspora communities of Shanghai, (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001). Frederic Wakeman and Wen-hsin Yeh, eds., Shanghai sojourners, (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1992). Nicholas Rowland Clifford, Spoilt children of empire: westerners in Shanghai and the Chinese revolution of the 1920s, (Hanover: Middlebury College Press,1991). Wang zhicheng汪之成, Shanghai eqiao shi上海俄侨史(History of Russians in Shanghai), (Shanghai: Shanghai sanlian shudian, 1993). James Layton Huskey, “Americans in Shanghai: Community formation and response to revolution 1919-1928”, (Ph.D.diss., University of North Carolina, 1985). James R. Ross, Escape to Shanghai: A Jewish community in China, (New York: Free Press, 1994). Ernest G. Heppner, Shanghai refuge: A memoir of the world war II Jewish ghetto, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,1993). D. Kranzler, Shanghai youtai nanmin shequ: 1938-1945上海犹太难民社区：1938-1945 (The Jewish refugee Community of Shanghai, 1938-1945), (Shanghai: Shanghai sanlian shudian,1991).

[51] Zhu Zhenghui朱政惠, “Haiwai boshi lunwen zhong de Shanghai yanjiu” 海外博士论文中的上海研究(The study of Shanghai in overseas Ph.D. Dissertations), dang’an yu shixue, 2003, n°4, 70-1.

[52] Frederic Wakeman, Policing Shanghai: 1927-1937, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). Frederic Wakeman, The Shanghai Badlands: wartime terrorism and urban crime, 1937-1941, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

[53] Han Yanlong and Su Yigong 朝延龙，苏亦工, Zhongguo jindai jingcha shi中国近代警察史 (History of modern Chinese police), (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2000). Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan faxue yanjiusuo fazhishi yanjiushi中国社会科学院法学研究所法制史研究室, ed., Zhongguo jingcha zhidu jianlun中国警察制度简论 (On the Chinese police institutions), (Beijing: qunzhong chubanshe, 1985). Wang jiajian王家俭, Qingmo minchu woguo jingcha zhidu xiandaihua de licheng (1901-1928) 清末民初我国警察制度现代化的历程 (一九〇一-一九二八) (The Process of Modernization in the Chinese Police System 1901-1928), (Taiwan: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1984). All of these three representative books on the history of Chinese police did not make a study of police within the foreign settlements, but only mentioned their existence in China.

[54] Bickers, Empire made me, an Englishman adrift in Shanghai, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003). Robert Bickers, “Who were the Shanghai Municipal Police, and why where they there?”, New Frontiers, eds., Bickers and Henriot, 170-91.

[55] Similarly, a book which studied the policeman in London viewed the police as a labour force, and also talked about the recruitment, the working stability and mobility of the police. See Haia Shpayer-Makov, The Making of a Policeman, a social history of a labour force in metropolitan London, 1829-1914, (Aldershot, Hants; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002). It also studied the socialisation, bureaucracy and everyday life of the police, their patterns of promotion, conflicts and negotiation withint the force. It created a good perspective from which I could study the police.

[56] Christine Cornet, “Système concessionnaire et police française: un exemple original de la politique colonial de la France à Shanghai”, in Banquier, savant, artiste: présences françaises en Extrême-Orient au XXe siècle, ed., Blanchon Flora, (Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2005), 55-73. Marie-Claire Bergère, L’épuration à Shanghai (1945-1946): l’affaire Sarly et la fin de la Concession Française, (Vingtième Siècle [France] 1997 (53)), 25-41.